Neda's birthday focuses minds on Press TV

It was a cold, crisp subdued winter evening on January the 23rd 2010, a day which marked the 27th birthday of Neda Agha Soltan, as a diverse crowd gathered outside the main entrance of Press TV's Westgate House, the dull headquarters of the controversial 24-hour Iranian state-run broadcaster, to mourn and celebrate her life.

'Neda was a young woman, she represented the young generation, she represented the women who've suffered the most under the Islamic Republic,' said Potkin Azarmehr, a popular online blogger and one of the main organisers of this peaceful vigil.

It was a beautifully melancholic spectacle. Red candles glowed under the evening gloom, at times tears were shed, and posters were held of her beautiful angelic face, some reading the message, 'If tears could build a stairway, and memories a lane, I'd walk right up to heaven and bring you home again.'

Ey Iran, the original and popular national anthem boomed in the background, interspersed with beautiful hymns, and then a sentimental letter from Caspian Makan, Neda's boyfriend who fled Iran and now lives in Canada. His emotional message concluded that Neda's murder had started 'the countdown for the downfall of the inhumane regime in Iran' - the crowd cheered in hope.

Potkin reiterated why the mobile video footage of this young woman laying on the concrete, and that 'last innocent look' had made her such a symbolic figure for the opposition inside and outside Iran: 'The bullet that killed her made the nation alive.'

Undeniably, Neda, whose name means 'voice' in Farsi, was murdered by a member of the Iranian regime-sponsored Basij militia, and her symbolic death has since given luminous voice to the opposition movement led by Mousavi, raising awareness of the brutality of the regime against its own people. But why specifically hold the demonstration outside Press TV?

'Press TV has been lying about Neda right from the start,' says Potkin. 'They've recently broadcasted a documentary which is just beyond belief, saying that Neda was part of a plot; that she had a bottle of paint in her hand; that she poured it over herself as she fell down, and that she was killed by the people who were implicated in the crowds.'

'It's just really disgusting lies,' he tells me, 'and we are here to say, "look you don't fool us, and we know what's happened."' Potkin's comments correspond with an increasing critical awareness of the channel which brands itself as having an 'unbiased news agenda'. Particularly, critics point out that it is a propaganda mouthpiece for the supreme leader Khamenei, held responsible for the alleged coupe d'état, and the brutal repression, imprisonment, torture and murder of peaceful demonstrators, such as Neda.

Such criticisms are made all the more conclusive if we look at the charter of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), a regulating body for Iranian television and radio set up after the 1979 revolution. The charter dictates that all Iranian broadcasters must adhere to: "The fulfilment of the Supreme Leader's point of view as the Islamic Jurisprudent". This is clearly in contradiction with the code of conduct under Ofcom, the independent British communications regulator, which warns broadcasters: 'To ensure that news, in whatever form, is reported with due accuracy and presented with due impartiality.'

Nick Ferrari, one of the well-known faces on the Press TV line-up, had realised this contradiction and quit his presenting job following what he saw to be deceitful coverage of the post-election demonstrations. He told The Times, 'I imagine they've been told what to do, and I can't reconcile that with working there'. Following his departure, the channel went under an Ofcom investigation, over complaints received about its biased and disproportionate stance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

'It's either propaganda that comes directly from the Iranian government, or it's some conspiracy theory about the influence of international Zionism, said Martin Bright, a blogger for the Spectator magazine, in a July 2009 Newsnight debate titled: 'Should Press TV be able to operate in UK?'.

'I think they should be allowed to carry on in the way they are carrying on and just collapse in a kind of mire of their own absurdity,' Martin answered the question at hand. He concluded, 'the decision by Nick Ferrari to give up doing his show on Press TV, was a principled position that journalists should take; serious journalists should not work with this TV station, and then it won't be taken seriously.'

Andreas Moser, a former lawyer from Germany who now lives in London, and co-organised the vigil, had experienced first-hand the brutal post-election crackdown in Iran back in July 2009, and has seen himself the manipulation in the reportage of Press TV. He tells me that 'something' could be done internationally.

'Now of course we do want to respect the freedom of speech and free reporting, even if Press TV doesn't fulfil the standards being set by serious journalists and serious reporters,' he says, 'but Press TV is fully owned, funded and managed by the Iranian government, and as such it could be subject to sanctions as an Iranian co-operation practicing here in the UK, and be forced to shut down.'

But would this put a stop to Press TV? 'Of course they can continue to spread the lies from Iran or from outside the embassy, but everybody would realise that it is propaganda, and it wouldn't have the aura of an independent TV network anymore.'

Moreover, in light of this vigil, and a work in progress Channel four investigative documentary on the broadcaster currently underway, it seems the critical spotlight is now firmly focused on Press TV. In fact, the broadcaster seemed to be aware of this increasing pressure, since no representative or security personal was available for comment before, during and since the vigil.

On the night, this pressure was made all the more evident near the very end of commemorations, as under the watch of the metropolitan police, a procession of 27 mourners for every year of Neda's life, walked up one-by-one towards the Press TV entrance and placed a poster of Neda, a red rose and a candle on either side of the main doorway. Indeed, Neda, the object of misleading Press TV reports had come back to haunt the under-fire television broadcaster long after her murder.

It was a cold, crisp subdued winter evening on January the 23rd 2010, a day which marked the 27th birthday of Neda Agha Soltan, as a diverse crowd gathered outside the main entrance of Press TV's Westgate House, the dull headquarters of the controversial 24-hour Iranian state-run broadcaster, to mourn and celebrate her life.

'Neda was a young woman, she represented the young generation, she represented the women who've suffered the most under the Islamic Republic,' said Potkin Azarmehr, a popular online blogger and one of the main organisers of this peaceful vigil.

It was a beautifully melancholic spectacle. Red candles glowed under the evening gloom, at times tears were shed, and posters were held of her beautiful angelic face, some reading the message, 'If tears could build a stairway, and memories a lane, I'd walk right up to heaven and bring you home again.'

Ey Iran, the original and popular national anthem boomed in the background, interspersed with beautiful hymns, and then a sentimental letter from Caspian Makan, Neda's boyfriend who fled Iran and now lives in Canada. His emotional message concluded that Neda's murder had started 'the countdown for the downfall of the inhumane regime in Iran' - the crowd cheered in hope.

Potkin reiterated why the mobile video footage of this young woman laying on the concrete, and that 'last innocent look' had made her such a symbolic figure for the opposition inside and outside Iran: 'The bullet that killed her made the nation alive.'

Undeniably, Neda, whose name means 'voice' in Farsi, was murdered by a member of the Iranian regime-sponsored Basij militia, and her symbolic death has since given luminous voice to the opposition movement led by Mousavi, raising awareness of the brutality of the regime against its own people. But why specifically hold the demonstration outside Press TV?

'Press TV has been lying about Neda right from the start,' says Potkin. 'They've recently broadcasted a documentary which is just beyond belief, saying that Neda was part of a plot; that she had a bottle of paint in her hand; that she poured it over herself as she fell down, and that she was killed by the people who were implicated in the crowds.'

'It's just really disgusting lies,' he tells me, 'and we are here to say, "look you don't fool us, and we know what's happened."' Potkin's comments correspond with an increasing critical awareness of the channel which brands itself as having an 'unbiased news agenda'. Particularly, critics point out that it is a propaganda mouthpiece for the supreme leader Khamenei, held responsible for the alleged coupe d'état, and the brutal repression, imprisonment, torture and murder of peaceful demonstrators, such as Neda.

Such criticisms are made all the more conclusive if we look at the charter of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), a regulating body for Iranian television and radio set up after the 1979 revolution. The charter dictates that all Iranian broadcasters must adhere to: "The fulfilment of the Supreme Leader's point of view as the Islamic Jurisprudent". This is clearly in contradiction with the code of conduct under Ofcom, the independent British communications regulator, which warns broadcasters: 'To ensure that news, in whatever form, is reported with due accuracy and presented with due impartiality.'

Nick Ferrari, one of the well-known faces on the Press TV line-up, had realised this contradiction and quit his presenting job following what he saw to be deceitful coverage of the post-election demonstrations. He told The Times, 'I imagine they've been told what to do, and I can't reconcile that with working there'. Following his departure, the channel went under an Ofcom investigation, over complaints received about its biased and disproportionate stance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

'It's either propaganda that comes directly from the Iranian government, or it's some conspiracy theory about the influence of international Zionism, said Martin Bright, a blogger for the Spectator magazine, in a July 2009 Newsnight debate titled: 'Should Press TV be able to operate in UK?'.

'I think they should be allowed to carry on in the way they are carrying on and just collapse in a kind of mire of their own absurdity,' Martin answered the question at hand. He concluded, 'the decision by Nick Ferrari to give up doing his show on Press TV, was a principled position that journalists should take; serious journalists should not work with this TV station, and then it won't be taken seriously.'

Andreas Moser, a former lawyer from Germany who now lives in London, and co-organised the vigil, had experienced first-hand the brutal post-election crackdown in Iran back in July 2009, and has seen himself the manipulation in the reportage of Press TV. He tells me that 'something' could be done internationally.

'Now of course we do want to respect the freedom of speech and free reporting, even if Press TV doesn't fulfil the standards being set by serious journalists and serious reporters,' he says, 'but Press TV is fully owned, funded and managed by the Iranian government, and as such it could be subject to sanctions as an Iranian co-operation practicing here in the UK, and be forced to shut down.'

But would this put a stop to Press TV? 'Of course they can continue to spread the lies from Iran or from outside the embassy, but everybody would realise that it is propaganda, and it wouldn't have the aura of an independent TV network anymore.'

Moreover, in light of this vigil, and a work in progress Channel four investigative documentary on the broadcaster currently underway, it seems the critical spotlight is now firmly focused on Press TV. In fact, the broadcaster seemed to be aware of this increasing pressure, since no representative or security personal was available for comment before, during and since the vigil.

On the night, this pressure was made all the more evident near the very end of commemorations, as under the watch of the metropolitan police, a procession of 27 mourners for every year of Neda's life, walked up one-by-one towards the Press TV entrance and placed a poster of Neda, a red rose and a candle on either side of the main doorway. Indeed, Neda, the object of misleading Press TV reports had come back to haunt the under-fire television broadcaster long after her murder.

It was a cold, crisp subdued winter evening on January the 23rd 2010, a day which marked the 27th birthday of Neda Agha Soltan, as a diverse crowd gathered outside the main entrance of Press TV's Westgate House, the dull headquarters of the controversial 24-hour Iranian state-run broadcaster, to mourn and celebrate her life.

'Neda was a young woman, she represented the young generation, she represented the women who've suffered the most under the Islamic Republic,' said Potkin Azarmehr, a popular online blogger and one of the main organisers of this peaceful vigil.

It was a beautifully melancholic spectacle. Red candles glowed under the evening gloom, at times tears were shed, and posters were held of her beautiful angelic face, some reading the message, 'If tears could build a stairway, and memories a lane, I'd walk right up to heaven and bring you home again.'

Ey Iran, the original and popular national anthem boomed in the background, interspersed with beautiful hymns, and then a sentimental letter from Caspian Makan, Neda's boyfriend who fled Iran and now lives in Canada. His emotional message concluded that Neda's murder had started 'the countdown for the downfall of the inhumane regime in Iran' - the crowd cheered in hope.

Potkin reiterated why the mobile video footage of this young woman laying on the concrete, and that 'last innocent look' had made her such a symbolic figure for the opposition inside and outside Iran: 'The bullet that killed her made the nation alive.'

Undeniably, Neda, whose name means 'voice' in Farsi, was murdered by a member of the Iranian regime-sponsored Basij militia, and her symbolic death has since given luminous voice to the opposition movement led by Mousavi, raising awareness of the brutality of the regime against its own people. But why specifically hold the demonstration outside Press TV?

'Press TV has been lying about Neda right from the start,' says Potkin. 'They've recently broadcasted a documentary which is just beyond belief, saying that Neda was part of a plot; that she had a bottle of paint in her hand; that she poured it over herself as she fell down, and that she was killed by the people who were implicated in the crowds.'

'It's just really disgusting lies,' he tells me, 'and we are here to say, "look you don't fool us, and we know what's happened."' Potkin's comments correspond with an increasing critical awareness of the channel which brands itself as having an 'unbiased news agenda'. Particularly, critics point out that it is a propaganda mouthpiece for the supreme leader Khamenei, held responsible for the alleged coupe d'état, and the brutal repression, imprisonment, torture and murder of peaceful demonstrators, such as Neda.

Such criticisms are made all the more conclusive if we look at the charter of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), a regulating body for Iranian television and radio set up after the 1979 revolution. The charter dictates that all Iranian broadcasters must adhere to: "The fulfilment of the Supreme Leader's point of view as the Islamic Jurisprudent". This is clearly in contradiction with the code of conduct under Ofcom, the independent British communications regulator, which warns broadcasters: 'To ensure that news, in whatever form, is reported with due accuracy and presented with due impartiality.'

Nick Ferrari, one of the well-known faces on the Press TV line-up, had realised this contradiction and quit his presenting job following what he saw to be deceitful coverage of the post-election demonstrations. He told The Times, 'I imagine they've been told what to do, and I can't reconcile that with working there'. Following his departure, the channel went under an Ofcom investigation, over complaints received about its biased and disproportionate stance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

'It's either propaganda that comes directly from the Iranian government, or it's some conspiracy theory about the influence of international Zionism, said Martin Bright, a blogger for the Spectator magazine, in a July 2009 Newsnight debate titled: 'Should Press TV be able to operate in UK?'.

'I think they should be allowed to carry on in the way they are carrying on and just collapse in a kind of mire of their own absurdity,' Martin answered the question at hand. He concluded, 'the decision by Nick Ferrari to give up doing his show on Press TV, was a principled position that journalists should take; serious journalists should not work with this TV station, and then it won't be taken seriously.'

Andreas Moser, a former lawyer from Germany who now lives in London, and co-organised the vigil, had experienced first-hand the brutal post-election crackdown in Iran back in July 2009, and has seen himself the manipulation in the reportage of Press TV. He tells me that 'something' could be done internationally.

'Now of course we do want to respect the freedom of speech and free reporting, even if Press TV doesn't fulfil the standards being set by serious journalists and serious reporters,' he says, 'but Press TV is fully owned, funded and managed by the Iranian government, and as such it could be subject to sanctions as an Iranian co-operation practicing here in the UK, and be forced to shut down.'

But would this put a stop to Press TV? 'Of course they can continue to spread the lies from Iran or from outside the embassy, but everybody would realise that it is propaganda, and it wouldn't have the aura of an independent TV network anymore.'

Moreover, in light of this vigil, and a work in progress Channel four investigative documentary on the broadcaster currently underway, it seems the critical spotlight is now firmly focused on Press TV. In fact, the broadcaster seemed to be aware of this increasing pressure, since no representative or security personal was available for comment before, during and since the vigil.

On the night, this pressure was made all the more evident near the very end of commemorations, as under the watch of the metropolitan police, a procession of 27 mourners for every year of Neda's life, walked up one-by-one towards the Press TV entrance and placed a poster of Neda, a red rose and a candle on either side of the main doorway. Indeed, Neda, the object of misleading Press TV reports had come back to haunt the under-fire television broadcaster long after her murder.

It was a cold, crisp subdued winter evening on January the 23rd 2010, a day which marked the 27th birthday of Neda Agha Soltan, as a diverse crowd gathered outside the main entrance of Press TV's Westgate House, the dull headquarters of the controversial 24-hour Iranian state-run broadcaster, to mourn and celebrate her life.

'Neda was a young woman, she represented the young generation, she represented the women who've suffered the most under the Islamic Republic,' said Potkin Azarmehr, a popular online blogger and one of the main organisers of this peaceful vigil.

It was a beautifully melancholic spectacle. Red candles glowed under the evening gloom, at times tears were shed, and posters were held of her beautiful angelic face, some reading the message, 'If tears could build a stairway, and memories a lane, I'd walk right up to heaven and bring you home again.'

Ey Iran, the original and popular national anthem boomed in the background, interspersed with beautiful hymns, and then a sentimental letter from Caspian Makan, Neda's boyfriend who fled Iran and now lives in Canada. His emotional message concluded that Neda's murder had started 'the countdown for the downfall of the inhumane regime in Iran' - the crowd cheered in hope.

Potkin reiterated why the mobile video footage of this young woman laying on the concrete, and that 'last innocent look' had made her such a symbolic figure for the opposition inside and outside Iran: 'The bullet that killed her made the nation alive.'

Undeniably, Neda, whose name means 'voice' in Farsi, was murdered by a member of the Iranian regime-sponsored Basij militia, and her symbolic death has since given luminous voice to the opposition movement led by Mousavi, raising awareness of the brutality of the regime against its own people. But why specifically hold the demonstration outside Press TV?

'Press TV has been lying about Neda right from the start,' says Potkin. 'They've recently broadcasted a documentary which is just beyond belief, saying that Neda was part of a plot; that she had a bottle of paint in her hand; that she poured it over herself as she fell down, and that she was killed by the people who were implicated in the crowds.'

'It's just really disgusting lies,' he tells me, 'and we are here to say, "look you don't fool us, and we know what's happened."' Potkin's comments correspond with an increasing critical awareness of the channel which brands itself as having an 'unbiased news agenda'. Particularly, critics point out that it is a propaganda mouthpiece for the supreme leader Khamenei, held responsible for the alleged coupe d'état, and the brutal repression, imprisonment, torture and murder of peaceful demonstrators, such as Neda.

Such criticisms are made all the more conclusive if we look at the charter of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), a regulating body for Iranian television and radio set up after the 1979 revolution. The charter dictates that all Iranian broadcasters must adhere to: "The fulfilment of the Supreme Leader's point of view as the Islamic Jurisprudent". This is clearly in contradiction with the code of conduct under Ofcom, the independent British communications regulator, which warns broadcasters: 'To ensure that news, in whatever form, is reported with due accuracy and presented with due impartiality.'

Nick Ferrari, one of the well-known faces on the Press TV line-up, had realised this contradiction and quit his presenting job following what he saw to be deceitful coverage of the post-election demonstrations. He told The Times, 'I imagine they've been told what to do, and I can't reconcile that with working there'. Following his departure, the channel went under an Ofcom investigation, over complaints received about its biased and disproportionate stance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

'It's either propaganda that comes directly from the Iranian government, or it's some conspiracy theory about the influence of international Zionism, said Martin Bright, a blogger for the Spectator magazine, in a July 2009 Newsnight debate titled: 'Should Press TV be able to operate in UK?'.

'I think they should be allowed to carry on in the way they are carrying on and just collapse in a kind of mire of their own absurdity,' Martin answered the question at hand. He concluded, 'the decision by Nick Ferrari to give up doing his show on Press TV, was a principled position that journalists should take; serious journalists should not work with this TV station, and then it won't be taken seriously.'

Andreas Moser, a former lawyer from Germany who now lives in London, and co-organised the vigil, had experienced first-hand the brutal post-election crackdown in Iran back in July 2009, and has seen himself the manipulation in the reportage of Press TV. He tells me that 'something' could be done internationally.

'Now of course we do want to respect the freedom of speech and free reporting, even if Press TV doesn't fulfil the standards being set by serious journalists and serious reporters,' he says, 'but Press TV is fully owned, funded and managed by the Iranian government, and as such it could be subject to sanctions as an Iranian co-operation practicing here in the UK, and be forced to shut down.'

But would this put a stop to Press TV? 'Of course they can continue to spread the lies from Iran or from outside the embassy, but everybody would realise that it is propaganda, and it wouldn't have the aura of an independent TV network anymore.'

Moreover, in light of this vigil, and a work in progress Channel four investigative documentary on the broadcaster currently underway, it seems the critical spotlight is now firmly focused on Press TV. In fact, the broadcaster seemed to be aware of this increasing pressure, since no representative or security personal was available for comment before, during and since the vigil.

On the night, this pressure was made all the more evident near the very end of commemorations, as under the watch of the metropolitan police, a procession of 27 mourners for every year of Neda's life, walked up one-by-one towards the Press TV entrance and placed a poster of Neda, a red rose and a candle on either side of the main doorway. Indeed, Neda, the object of misleading Press TV reports had come back to haunt the under-fire television broadcaster long after her murder.

It was a cold, crisp subdued winter evening on January the 23rd 2010, a day which marked the 27th birthday of Neda Agha Soltan, as a diverse crowd gathered outside the main entrance of Press TV's Westgate House, the dull headquarters of the controversial 24-hour Iranian state-run broadcaster, to mourn and celebrate her life.

'Neda was a young woman, she represented the young generation, she represented the women who've suffered the most under the Islamic Republic,' said Potkin Azarmehr, a popular online blogger and one of the main organisers of this peaceful vigil.

It was a beautifully melancholic spectacle. Red candles glowed under the evening gloom, at times tears were shed, and posters were held of her beautiful angelic face, some reading the message, 'If tears could build a stairway, and memories a lane, I'd walk right up to heaven and bring you home again.'

Ey Iran, the original and popular national anthem boomed in the background, interspersed with beautiful hymns, and then a sentimental letter from Caspian Makan, Neda's boyfriend who fled Iran and now lives in Canada. His emotional message concluded that Neda's murder had started 'the countdown for the downfall of the inhumane regime in Iran' - the crowd cheered in hope.

Potkin reiterated why the mobile video footage of this young woman laying on the concrete, and that 'last innocent look' had made her such a symbolic figure for the opposition inside and outside Iran: 'The bullet that killed her made the nation alive.'

Undeniably, Neda, whose name means 'voice' in Farsi, was murdered by a member of the Iranian regime-sponsored Basij militia, and her symbolic death has since given luminous voice to the opposition movement led by Mousavi, raising awareness of the brutality of the regime against its own people. But why specifically hold the demonstration outside Press TV?

'Press TV has been lying about Neda right from the start,' says Potkin. 'They've recently broadcasted a documentary which is just beyond belief, saying that Neda was part of a plot; that she had a bottle of paint in her hand; that she poured it over herself as she fell down, and that she was killed by the people who were implicated in the crowds.'

'It's just really disgusting lies,' he tells me, 'and we are here to say, "look you don't fool us, and we know what's happened."' Potkin's comments correspond with an increasing critical awareness of the channel which brands itself as having an 'unbiased news agenda'. Particularly, critics point out that it is a propaganda mouthpiece for the supreme leader Khamenei, held responsible for the alleged coupe d'état, and the brutal repression, imprisonment, torture and murder of peaceful demonstrators, such as Neda.

Such criticisms are made all the more conclusive if we look at the charter of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), a regulating body for Iranian television and radio set up after the 1979 revolution. The charter dictates that all Iranian broadcasters must adhere to: "The fulfilment of the Supreme Leader's point of view as the Islamic Jurisprudent". This is clearly in contradiction with the code of conduct under Ofcom, the independent British communications regulator, which warns broadcasters: 'To ensure that news, in whatever form, is reported with due accuracy and presented with due impartiality.'

Nick Ferrari, one of the well-known faces on the Press TV line-up, had realised this contradiction and quit his presenting job following what he saw to be deceitful coverage of the post-election demonstrations. He told The Times, 'I imagine they've been told what to do, and I can't reconcile that with working there'. Following his departure, the channel went under an Ofcom investigation, over complaints received about its biased and disproportionate stance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

'It's either propaganda that comes directly from the Iranian government, or it's some conspiracy theory about the influence of international Zionism, said Martin Bright, a blogger for the Spectator magazine, in a July 2009 Newsnight debate titled: 'Should Press TV be able to operate in UK?'.

'I think they should be allowed to carry on in the way they are carrying on and just collapse in a kind of mire of their own absurdity,' Martin answered the question at hand. He concluded, 'the decision by Nick Ferrari to give up doing his show on Press TV, was a principled position that journalists should take; serious journalists should not work with this TV station, and then it won't be taken seriously.'

Andreas Moser, a former lawyer from Germany who now lives in London, and co-organised the vigil, had experienced first-hand the brutal post-election crackdown in Iran back in July 2009, and has seen himself the manipulation in the reportage of Press TV. He tells me that 'something' could be done internationally.

'Now of course we do want to respect the freedom of speech and free reporting, even if Press TV doesn't fulfil the standards being set by serious journalists and serious reporters,' he says, 'but Press TV is fully owned, funded and managed by the Iranian government, and as such it could be subject to sanctions as an Iranian co-operation practicing here in the UK, and be forced to shut down.'

But would this put a stop to Press TV? 'Of course they can continue to spread the lies from Iran or from outside the embassy, but everybody would realise that it is propaganda, and it wouldn't have the aura of an independent TV network anymore.'

Moreover, in light of this vigil, and a work in progress Channel four investigative documentary on the broadcaster currently underway, it seems the critical spotlight is now firmly focused on Press TV. In fact, the broadcaster seemed to be aware of this increasing pressure, since no representative or security personal was available for comment before, during and since the vigil.

On the night, this pressure was made all the more evident near the very end of commemorations, as under the watch of the metropolitan police, a procession of 27 mourners for every year of Neda's life, walked up one-by-one towards the Press TV entrance and placed a poster of Neda, a red rose and a candle on either side of the main doorway. Indeed, Neda, the object of misleading Press TV reports had come back to haunt the under-fire television broadcaster long after her murder.

It was a cold, crisp subdued winter evening on January the 23rd 2010, a day which marked the 27th birthday of Neda Agha Soltan, as a diverse crowd gathered outside the main entrance of Press TV's Westgate House, the dull headquarters of the controversial 24-hour Iranian state-run broadcaster, to mourn and celebrate her life.

'Neda was a young woman, she represented the young generation, she represented the women who've suffered the most under the Islamic Republic,' said Potkin Azarmehr, a popular online blogger and one of the main organisers of this peaceful vigil.

It was a beautifully melancholic spectacle. Red candles glowed under the evening gloom, at times tears were shed, and posters were held of her beautiful angelic face, some reading the message, 'If tears could build a stairway, and memories a lane, I'd walk right up to heaven and bring you home again.'

Ey Iran, the original and popular national anthem boomed in the background, interspersed with beautiful hymns, and then a sentimental letter from Caspian Makan, Neda's boyfriend who fled Iran and now lives in Canada. His emotional message concluded that Neda's murder had started 'the countdown for the downfall of the inhumane regime in Iran' - the crowd cheered in hope.

Potkin reiterated why the mobile video footage of this young woman laying on the concrete, and that 'last innocent look' had made her such a symbolic figure for the opposition inside and outside Iran: 'The bullet that killed her made the nation alive.'

Undeniably, Neda, whose name means 'voice' in Farsi, was murdered by a member of the Iranian regime-sponsored Basij militia, and her symbolic death has since given luminous voice to the opposition movement led by Mousavi, raising awareness of the brutality of the regime against its own people. But why specifically hold the demonstration outside Press TV?

'Press TV has been lying about Neda right from the start,' says Potkin. 'They've recently broadcasted a documentary which is just beyond belief, saying that Neda was part of a plot; that she had a bottle of paint in her hand; that she poured it over herself as she fell down, and that she was killed by the people who were implicated in the crowds.'

'It's just really disgusting lies,' he tells me, 'and we are here to say, "look you don't fool us, and we know what's happened."' Potkin's comments correspond with an increasing critical awareness of the channel which brands itself as having an 'unbiased news agenda'. Particularly, critics point out that it is a propaganda mouthpiece for the supreme leader Khamenei, held responsible for the alleged coupe d'état, and the brutal repression, imprisonment, torture and murder of peaceful demonstrators, such as Neda.

Such criticisms are made all the more conclusive if we look at the charter of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), a regulating body for Iranian television and radio set up after the 1979 revolution. The charter dictates that all Iranian broadcasters must adhere to: "The fulfilment of the Supreme Leader's point of view as the Islamic Jurisprudent". This is clearly in contradiction with the code of conduct under Ofcom, the independent British communications regulator, which warns broadcasters: 'To ensure that news, in whatever form, is reported with due accuracy and presented with due impartiality.'

Nick Ferrari, one of the well-known faces on the Press TV line-up, had realised this contradiction and quit his presenting job following what he saw to be deceitful coverage of the post-election demonstrations. He told The Times, 'I imagine they've been told what to do, and I can't reconcile that with working there'. Following his departure, the channel went under an Ofcom investigation, over complaints received about its biased and disproportionate stance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

'It's either propaganda that comes directly from the Iranian government, or it's some conspiracy theory about the influence of international Zionism, said Martin Bright, a blogger for the Spectator magazine, in a July 2009 Newsnight debate titled: 'Should Press TV be able to operate in UK?'.

'I think they should be allowed to carry on in the way they are carrying on and just collapse in a kind of mire of their own absurdity,' Martin answered the question at hand. He concluded, 'the decision by Nick Ferrari to give up doing his show on Press TV, was a principled position that journalists should take; serious journalists should not work with this TV station, and then it won't be taken seriously.'

Andreas Moser, a former lawyer from Germany who now lives in London, and co-organised the vigil, had experienced first-hand the brutal post-election crackdown in Iran back in July 2009, and has seen himself the manipulation in the reportage of Press TV. He tells me that 'something' could be done internationally.

'Now of course we do want to respect the freedom of speech and free reporting, even if Press TV doesn't fulfil the standards being set by serious journalists and serious reporters,' he says, 'but Press TV is fully owned, funded and managed by the Iranian government, and as such it could be subject to sanctions as an Iranian co-operation practicing here in the UK, and be forced to shut down.'

But would this put a stop to Press TV? 'Of course they can continue to spread the lies from Iran or from outside the embassy, but everybody would realise that it is propaganda, and it wouldn't have the aura of an independent TV network anymore.'

Moreover, in light of this vigil, and a work in progress Channel four investigative documentary on the broadcaster currently underway, it seems the critical spotlight is now firmly focused on Press TV. In fact, the broadcaster seemed to be aware of this increasing pressure, since no representative or security personal was available for comment before, during and since the vigil.

On the night, this pressure was made all the more evident near the very end of commemorations, as under the watch of the metropolitan police, a procession of 27 mourners for every year of Neda's life, walked up one-by-one towards the Press TV entrance and placed a poster of Neda, a red rose and a candle on either side of the main doorway. Indeed, Neda, the object of misleading Press TV reports had come back to haunt the under-fire television broadcaster long after her murder.

It was a cold, crisp subdued winter evening on January the 23rd 2010, a day which marked the 27th birthday of Neda Agha Soltan, as a diverse crowd gathered outside the main entrance of Press TV's Westgate House, the dull headquarters of the controversial 24-hour Iranian state-run broadcaster, to mourn and celebrate her life.

'Neda was a young woman, she represented the young generation, she represented the women who've suffered the most under the Islamic Republic,' said Potkin Azarmehr, a popular online blogger and one of the main organisers of this peaceful vigil.

It was a beautifully melancholic spectacle. Red candles glowed under the evening gloom, at times tears were shed, and posters were held of her beautiful angelic face, some reading the message, 'If tears could build a stairway, and memories a lane, I'd walk right up to heaven and bring you home again.'

Ey Iran, the original and popular national anthem boomed in the background, interspersed with beautiful hymns, and then a sentimental letter from Caspian Makan, Neda's boyfriend who fled Iran and now lives in Canada. His emotional message concluded that Neda's murder had started 'the countdown for the downfall of the inhumane regime in Iran' - the crowd cheered in hope.

Potkin reiterated why the mobile video footage of this young woman laying on the concrete, and that 'last innocent look' had made her such a symbolic figure for the opposition inside and outside Iran: 'The bullet that killed her made the nation alive.'

Undeniably, Neda, whose name means 'voice' in Farsi, was murdered by a member of the Iranian regime-sponsored Basij militia, and her symbolic death has since given luminous voice to the opposition movement led by Mousavi, raising awareness of the brutality of the regime against its own people. But why specifically hold the demonstration outside Press TV?

'Press TV has been lying about Neda right from the start,' says Potkin. 'They've recently broadcasted a documentary which is just beyond belief, saying that Neda was part of a plot; that she had a bottle of paint in her hand; that she poured it over herself as she fell down, and that she was killed by the people who were implicated in the crowds.'

'It's just really disgusting lies,' he tells me, 'and we are here to say, "look you don't fool us, and we know what's happened."' Potkin's comments correspond with an increasing critical awareness of the channel which brands itself as having an 'unbiased news agenda'. Particularly, critics point out that it is a propaganda mouthpiece for the supreme leader Khamenei, held responsible for the alleged coupe d'état, and the brutal repression, imprisonment, torture and murder of peaceful demonstrators, such as Neda.

Such criticisms are made all the more conclusive if we look at the charter of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), a regulating body for Iranian television and radio set up after the 1979 revolution. The charter dictates that all Iranian broadcasters must adhere to: "The fulfilment of the Supreme Leader's point of view as the Islamic Jurisprudent". This is clearly in contradiction with the code of conduct under Ofcom, the independent British communications regulator, which warns broadcasters: 'To ensure that news, in whatever form, is reported with due accuracy and presented with due impartiality.'

Nick Ferrari, one of the well-known faces on the Press TV line-up, had realised this contradiction and quit his presenting job following what he saw to be deceitful coverage of the post-election demonstrations. He told The Times, 'I imagine they've been told what to do, and I can't reconcile that with working there'. Following his departure, the channel went under an Ofcom investigation, over complaints received about its biased and disproportionate stance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

'It's either propaganda that comes directly from the Iranian government, or it's some conspiracy theory about the influence of international Zionism, said Martin Bright, a blogger for the Spectator magazine, in a July 2009 Newsnight debate titled: 'Should Press TV be able to operate in UK?'.

'I think they should be allowed to carry on in the way they are carrying on and just collapse in a kind of mire of their own absurdity,' Martin answered the question at hand. He concluded, 'the decision by Nick Ferrari to give up doing his show on Press TV, was a principled position that journalists should take; serious journalists should not work with this TV station, and then it won't be taken seriously.'

Andreas Moser, a former lawyer from Germany who now lives in London, and co-organised the vigil, had experienced first-hand the brutal post-election crackdown in Iran back in July 2009, and has seen himself the manipulation in the reportage of Press TV. He tells me that 'something' could be done internationally.

'Now of course we do want to respect the freedom of speech and free reporting, even if Press TV doesn't fulfil the standards being set by serious journalists and serious reporters,' he says, 'but Press TV is fully owned, funded and managed by the Iranian government, and as such it could be subject to sanctions as an Iranian co-operation practicing here in the UK, and be forced to shut down.'

But would this put a stop to Press TV? 'Of course they can continue to spread the lies from Iran or from outside the embassy, but everybody would realise that it is propaganda, and it wouldn't have the aura of an independent TV network anymore.'

Moreover, in light of this vigil, and a work in progress Channel four investigative documentary on the broadcaster currently underway, it seems the critical spotlight is now firmly focused on Press TV. In fact, the broadcaster seemed to be aware of this increasing pressure, since no representative or security personal was available for comment before, during and since the vigil.

On the night, this pressure was made all the more evident near the very end of commemorations, as under the watch of the metropolitan police, a procession of 27 mourners for every year of Neda's life, walked up one-by-one towards the Press TV entrance and placed a poster of Neda, a red rose and a candle on either side of the main doorway. Indeed, Neda, the object of misleading Press TV reports had come back to haunt the under-fire television broadcaster long after her murder.

It was a cold, crisp subdued winter evening on January the 23rd 2010, a day which marked the 27th birthday of Neda Agha Soltan, as a diverse crowd gathered outside the main entrance of Press TV's Westgate House, the dull headquarters of the controversial 24-hour Iranian state-run broadcaster, to mourn and celebrate her life.

'Neda was a young woman, she represented the young generation, she represented the women who've suffered the most under the Islamic Republic,' said Potkin Azarmehr, a popular online blogger and one of the main organisers of this peaceful vigil.

It was a beautifully melancholic spectacle. Red candles glowed under the evening gloom, at times tears were shed, and posters were held of her beautiful angelic face, some reading the message, 'If tears could build a stairway, and memories a lane, I'd walk right up to heaven and bring you home again.'

Ey Iran, the original and popular national anthem boomed in the background, interspersed with beautiful hymns, and then a sentimental letter from Caspian Makan, Neda's boyfriend who fled Iran and now lives in Canada. His emotional message concluded that Neda's murder had started 'the countdown for the downfall of the inhumane regime in Iran' - the crowd cheered in hope.

Potkin reiterated why the mobile video footage of this young woman laying on the concrete, and that 'last innocent look' had made her such a symbolic figure for the opposition inside and outside Iran: 'The bullet that killed her made the nation alive.'

Undeniably, Neda, whose name means 'voice' in Farsi, was murdered by a member of the Iranian regime-sponsored Basij militia, and her symbolic death has since given luminous voice to the opposition movement led by Mousavi, raising awareness of the brutality of the regime against its own people. But why specifically hold the demonstration outside Press TV?

'Press TV has been lying about Neda right from the start,' says Potkin. 'They've recently broadcasted a documentary which is just beyond belief, saying that Neda was part of a plot; that she had a bottle of paint in her hand; that she poured it over herself as she fell down, and that she was killed by the people who were implicated in the crowds.'

'It's just really disgusting lies,' he tells me, 'and we are here to say, "look you don't fool us, and we know what's happened."' Potkin's comments correspond with an increasing critical awareness of the channel which brands itself as having an 'unbiased news agenda'. Particularly, critics point out that it is a propaganda mouthpiece for the supreme leader Khamenei, held responsible for the alleged coupe d'état, and the brutal repression, imprisonment, torture and murder of peaceful demonstrators, such as Neda.

Such criticisms are made all the more conclusive if we look at the charter of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), a regulating body for Iranian television and radio set up after the 1979 revolution. The charter dictates that all Iranian broadcasters must adhere to: "The fulfilment of the Supreme Leader's point of view as the Islamic Jurisprudent". This is clearly in contradiction with the code of conduct under Ofcom, the independent British communications regulator, which warns broadcasters: 'To ensure that news, in whatever form, is reported with due accuracy and presented with due impartiality.'

Nick Ferrari, one of the well-known faces on the Press TV line-up, had realised this contradiction and quit his presenting job following what he saw to be deceitful coverage of the post-election demonstrations. He told The Times, 'I imagine they've been told what to do, and I can't reconcile that with working there'. Following his departure, the channel went under an Ofcom investigation, over complaints received about its biased and disproportionate stance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

'It's either propaganda that comes directly from the Iranian government, or it's some conspiracy theory about the influence of international Zionism, said Martin Bright, a blogger for the Spectator magazine, in a July 2009 Newsnight debate titled: 'Should Press TV be able to operate in UK?'.

'I think they should be allowed to carry on in the way they are carrying on and just collapse in a kind of mire of their own absurdity,' Martin answered the question at hand. He concluded, 'the decision by Nick Ferrari to give up doing his show on Press TV, was a principled position that journalists should take; serious journalists should not work with this TV station, and then it won't be taken seriously.'

Andreas Moser, a former lawyer from Germany who now lives in London, and co-organised the vigil, had experienced first-hand the brutal post-election crackdown in Iran back in July 2009, and has seen himself the manipulation in the reportage of Press TV. He tells me that 'something' could be done internationally.

'Now of course we do want to respect the freedom of speech and free reporting, even if Press TV doesn't fulfil the standards being set by serious journalists and serious reporters,' he says, 'but Press TV is fully owned, funded and managed by the Iranian government, and as such it could be subject to sanctions as an Iranian co-operation practicing here in the UK, and be forced to shut down.'

But would this put a stop to Press TV? 'Of course they can continue to spread the lies from Iran or from outside the embassy, but everybody would realise that it is propaganda, and it wouldn't have the aura of an independent TV network anymore.'

Moreover, in light of this vigil, and a work in progress Channel four investigative documentary on the broadcaster currently underway, it seems the critical spotlight is now firmly focused on Press TV. In fact, the broadcaster seemed to be aware of this increasing pressure, since no representative or security personal was available for comment before, during and since the vigil.

On the night, this pressure was made all the more evident near the very end of commemorations, as under the watch of the metropolitan police, a procession of 27 mourners for every year of Neda's life, walked up one-by-one towards the Press TV entrance and placed a poster of Neda, a red rose and a candle on either side of the main doorway. Indeed, Neda, the object of misleading Press TV reports had come back to haunt the under-fire television broadcaster long after her murder.

It was a cold, crisp subdued winter evening on January the 23rd 2010, a day which marked the 27th birthday of Neda Agha Soltan, as a diverse crowd gathered outside the main entrance of Press TV's Westgate House, the dull headquarters of the controversial 24-hour Iranian state-run broadcaster, to mourn and celebrate her life.

'Neda was a young woman, she represented the young generation, she represented the women who've suffered the most under the Islamic Republic,' said Potkin Azarmehr, a popular online blogger and one of the main organisers of this peaceful vigil.

It was a beautifully melancholic spectacle. Red candles glowed under the evening gloom, at times tears were shed, and posters were held of her beautiful angelic face, some reading the message, 'If tears could build a stairway, and memories a lane, I'd walk right up to heaven and bring you home again.'

Ey Iran, the original and popular national anthem boomed in the background, interspersed with beautiful hymns, and then a sentimental letter from Caspian Makan, Neda's boyfriend who fled Iran and now lives in Canada. His emotional message concluded that Neda's murder had started 'the countdown for the downfall of the inhumane regime in Iran' - the crowd cheered in hope.

Potkin reiterated why the mobile video footage of this young woman laying on the concrete, and that 'last innocent look' had made her such a symbolic figure for the opposition inside and outside Iran: 'The bullet that killed her made the nation alive.'

Undeniably, Neda, whose name means 'voice' in Farsi, was murdered by a member of the Iranian regime-sponsored Basij militia, and her symbolic death has since given luminous voice to the opposition movement led by Mousavi, raising awareness of the brutality of the regime against its own people. But why specifically hold the demonstration outside Press TV?

'Press TV has been lying about Neda right from the start,' says Potkin. 'They've recently broadcasted a documentary which is just beyond belief, saying that Neda was part of a plot; that she had a bottle of paint in her hand; that she poured it over herself as she fell down, and that she was killed by the people who were implicated in the crowds.'

'It's just really disgusting lies,' he tells me, 'and we are here to say, "look you don't fool us, and we know what's happened."' Potkin's comments correspond with an increasing critical awareness of the channel which brands itself as having an 'unbiased news agenda'. Particularly, critics point out that it is a propaganda mouthpiece for the supreme leader Khamenei, held responsible for the alleged coupe d'état, and the brutal repression, imprisonment, torture and murder of peaceful demonstrators, such as Neda.

Such criticisms are made all the more conclusive if we look at the charter of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), a regulating body for Iranian television and radio set up after the 1979 revolution. The charter dictates that all Iranian broadcasters must adhere to: "The fulfilment of the Supreme Leader's point of view as the Islamic Jurisprudent". This is clearly in contradiction with the code of conduct under Ofcom, the independent British communications regulator, which warns broadcasters: 'To ensure that news, in whatever form, is reported with due accuracy and presented with due impartiality.'

Nick Ferrari, one of the well-known faces on the Press TV line-up, had realised this contradiction and quit his presenting job following what he saw to be deceitful coverage of the post-election demonstrations. He told The Times, 'I imagine they've been told what to do, and I can't reconcile that with working there'. Following his departure, the channel went under an Ofcom investigation, over complaints received about its biased and disproportionate stance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

'It's either propaganda that comes directly from the Iranian government, or it's some conspiracy theory about the influence of international Zionism, said Martin Bright, a blogger for the Spectator magazine, in a July 2009 Newsnight debate titled: 'Should Press TV be able to operate in UK?'.

'I think they should be allowed to carry on in the way they are carrying on and just collapse in a kind of mire of their own absurdity,' Martin answered the question at hand. He concluded, 'the decision by Nick Ferrari to give up doing his show on Press TV, was a principled position that journalists should take; serious journalists should not work with this TV station, and then it won't be taken seriously.'

Andreas Moser, a former lawyer from Germany who now lives in London, and co-organised the vigil, had experienced first-hand the brutal post-election crackdown in Iran back in July 2009, and has seen himself the manipulation in the reportage of Press TV. He tells me that 'something' could be done internationally.

'Now of course we do want to respect the freedom of speech and free reporting, even if Press TV doesn't fulfil the standards being set by serious journalists and serious reporters,' he says, 'but Press TV is fully owned, funded and managed by the Iranian government, and as such it could be subject to sanctions as an Iranian co-operation practicing here in the UK, and be forced to shut down.'

But would this put a stop to Press TV? 'Of course they can continue to spread the lies from Iran or from outside the embassy, but everybody would realise that it is propaganda, and it wouldn't have the aura of an independent TV network anymore.'

Moreover, in light of this vigil, and a work in progress Channel four investigative documentary on the broadcaster currently underway, it seems the critical spotlight is now firmly focused on Press TV. In fact, the broadcaster seemed to be aware of this increasing pressure, since no representative or security personal was available for comment before, during and since the vigil.

On the night, this pressure was made all the more evident near the very end of commemorations, as under the watch of the metropolitan police, a procession of 27 mourners for every year of Neda's life, walked up one-by-one towards the Press TV entrance and placed a poster of Neda, a red rose and a candle on either side of the main doorway. Indeed, Neda, the object of misleading Press TV reports had come back to haunt the under-fire television broadcaster long after her murder.

It was a cold, crisp subdued winter evening on January the 23rd 2010, a day which marked the 27th birthday of Neda Agha Soltan, as a diverse crowd gathered outside the main entrance of Press TV's Westgate House, the dull headquarters of the controversial 24-hour Iranian state-run broadcaster, to mourn and celebrate her life.

'Neda was a young woman, she represented the young generation, she represented the women who've suffered the most under the Islamic Republic,' said Potkin Azarmehr, a popular online blogger and one of the main organisers of this peaceful vigil.

It was a beautifully melancholic spectacle. Red candles glowed under the evening gloom, at times tears were shed, and posters were held of her beautiful angelic face, some reading the message, 'If tears could build a stairway, and memories a lane, I'd walk right up to heaven and bring you home again.'

Ey Iran, the original and popular national anthem boomed in the background, interspersed with beautiful hymns, and then a sentimental letter from Caspian Makan, Neda's boyfriend who fled Iran and now lives in Canada. His emotional message concluded that Neda's murder had started 'the countdown for the downfall of the inhumane regime in Iran' - the crowd cheered in hope.

Potkin reiterated why the mobile video footage of this young woman laying on the concrete, and that 'last innocent look' had made her such a symbolic figure for the opposition inside and outside Iran: 'The bullet that killed her made the nation alive.'

Undeniably, Neda, whose name means 'voice' in Farsi, was murdered by a member of the Iranian regime-sponsored Basij militia, and her symbolic death has since given luminous voice to the opposition movement led by Mousavi, raising awareness of the brutality of the regime against its own people. But why specifically hold the demonstration outside Press TV?

'Press TV has been lying about Neda right from the start,' says Potkin. 'They've recently broadcasted a documentary which is just beyond belief, saying that Neda was part of a plot; that she had a bottle of paint in her hand; that she poured it over herself as she fell down, and that she was killed by the people who were implicated in the crowds.'

'It's just really disgusting lies,' he tells me, 'and we are here to say, "look you don't fool us, and we know what's happened."' Potkin's comments correspond with an increasing critical awareness of the channel which brands itself as having an 'unbiased news agenda'. Particularly, critics point out that it is a propaganda mouthpiece for the supreme leader Khamenei, held responsible for the alleged coupe d'état, and the brutal repression, imprisonment, torture and murder of peaceful demonstrators, such as Neda.

Such criticisms are made all the more conclusive if we look at the charter of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), a regulating body for Iranian television and radio set up after the 1979 revolution. The charter dictates that all Iranian broadcasters must adhere to: "The fulfilment of the Supreme Leader's point of view as the Islamic Jurisprudent". This is clearly in contradiction with the code of conduct under Ofcom, the independent British communications regulator, which warns broadcasters: 'To ensure that news, in whatever form, is reported with due accuracy and presented with due impartiality.'

Nick Ferrari, one of the well-known faces on the Press TV line-up, had realised this contradiction and quit his presenting job following what he saw to be deceitful coverage of the post-election demonstrations. He told The Times, 'I imagine they've been told what to do, and I can't reconcile that with working there'. Following his departure, the channel went under an Ofcom investigation, over complaints received about its biased and disproportionate stance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

'It's either propaganda that comes directly from the Iranian government, or it's some conspiracy theory about the influence of international Zionism, said Martin Bright, a blogger for the Spectator magazine, in a July 2009 Newsnight debate titled: 'Should Press TV be able to operate in UK?'.

'I think they should be allowed to carry on in the way they are carrying on and just collapse in a kind of mire of their own absurdity,' Martin answered the question at hand. He concluded, 'the decision by Nick Ferrari to give up doing his show on Press TV, was a principled position that journalists should take; serious journalists should not work with this TV station, and then it won't be taken seriously.'

Andreas Moser, a former lawyer from Germany who now lives in London, and co-organised the vigil, had experienced first-hand the brutal post-election crackdown in Iran back in July 2009, and has seen himself the manipulation in the reportage of Press TV. He tells me that 'something' could be done internationally.

'Now of course we do want to respect the freedom of speech and free reporting, even if Press TV doesn't fulfil the standards being set by serious journalists and serious reporters,' he says, 'but Press TV is fully owned, funded and managed by the Iranian government, and as such it could be subject to sanctions as an Iranian co-operation practicing here in the UK, and be forced to shut down.'

But would this put a stop to Press TV? 'Of course they can continue to spread the lies from Iran or from outside the embassy, but everybody would realise that it is propaganda, and it wouldn't have the aura of an independent TV network anymore.'

Moreover, in light of this vigil, and a work in progress Channel four investigative documentary on the broadcaster currently underway, it seems the critical spotlight is now firmly focused on Press TV. In fact, the broadcaster seemed to be aware of this increasing pressure, since no representative or security personal was available for comment before, during and since the vigil.

On the night, this pressure was made all the more evident near the very end of commemorations, as under the watch of the metropolitan police, a procession of 27 mourners for every year of Neda's life, walked up one-by-one towards the Press TV entrance and placed a poster of Neda, a red rose and a candle on either side of the main doorway. Indeed, Neda, the object of misleading Press TV reports had come back to haunt the under-fire television broadcaster long after her murder.

It was a cold, crisp subdued winter evening on January the 23rd 2010, a day which marked the 27th birthday of Neda Agha Soltan, as a diverse crowd gathered outside the main entrance of Press TV's Westgate House, the dull headquarters of the controversial 24-hour Iranian state-run broadcaster, to mourn and celebrate her life.

'Neda was a young woman, she represented the young generation, she represented the women who've suffered the most under the Islamic Republic,' said Potkin Azarmehr, a popular online blogger and one of the main organisers of this peaceful vigil.

It was a beautifully melancholic spectacle. Red candles glowed under the evening gloom, at times tears were shed, and posters were held of her beautiful angelic face, some reading the message, 'If tears could build a stairway, and memories a lane, I'd walk right up to heaven and bring you home again.'

Ey Iran, the original and popular national anthem boomed in the background, interspersed with beautiful hymns, and then a sentimental letter from Caspian Makan, Neda's boyfriend who fled Iran and now lives in Canada. His emotional message concluded that Neda's murder had started 'the countdown for the downfall of the inhumane regime in Iran' - the crowd cheered in hope.

Potkin reiterated why the mobile video footage of this young woman laying on the concrete, and that 'last innocent look' had made her such a symbolic figure for the opposition inside and outside Iran: 'The bullet that killed her made the nation alive.'

Undeniably, Neda, whose name means 'voice' in Farsi, was murdered by a member of the Iranian regime-sponsored Basij militia, and her symbolic death has since given luminous voice to the opposition movement led by Mousavi, raising awareness of the brutality of the regime against its own people. But why specifically hold the demonstration outside Press TV?

'Press TV has been lying about Neda right from the start,' says Potkin. 'They've recently broadcasted a documentary which is just beyond belief, saying that Neda was part of a plot; that she had a bottle of paint in her hand; that she poured it over herself as she fell down, and that she was killed by the people who were implicated in the crowds.'

'It's just really disgusting lies,' he tells me, 'and we are here to say, "look you don't fool us, and we know what's happened."' Potkin's comments correspond with an increasing critical awareness of the channel which brands itself as having an 'unbiased news agenda'. Particularly, critics point out that it is a propaganda mouthpiece for the supreme leader Khamenei, held responsible for the alleged coupe d'état, and the brutal repression, imprisonment, torture and murder of peaceful demonstrators, such as Neda.

Such criticisms are made all the more conclusive if we look at the charter of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), a regulating body for Iranian television and radio set up after the 1979 revolution. The charter dictates that all Iranian broadcasters must adhere to: "The fulfilment of the Supreme Leader's point of view as the Islamic Jurisprudent". This is clearly in contradiction with the code of conduct under Ofcom, the independent British communications regulator, which warns broadcasters: 'To ensure that news, in whatever form, is reported with due accuracy and presented with due impartiality.'

Nick Ferrari, one of the well-known faces on the Press TV line-up, had realised this contradiction and quit his presenting job following what he saw to be deceitful coverage of the post-election demonstrations. He told The Times, 'I imagine they've been told what to do, and I can't reconcile that with working there'. Following his departure, the channel went under an Ofcom investigation, over complaints received about its biased and disproportionate stance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

'It's either propaganda that comes directly from the Iranian government, or it's some conspiracy theory about the influence of international Zionism, said Martin Bright, a blogger for the Spectator magazine, in a July 2009 Newsnight debate titled: 'Should Press TV be able to operate in UK?'.

'I think they should be allowed to carry on in the way they are carrying on and just collapse in a kind of mire of their own absurdity,' Martin answered the question at hand. He concluded, 'the decision by Nick Ferrari to give up doing his show on Press TV, was a principled position that journalists should take; serious journalists should not work with this TV station, and then it won't be taken seriously.'

Andreas Moser, a former lawyer from Germany who now lives in London, and co-organised the vigil, had experienced first-hand the brutal post-election crackdown in Iran back in July 2009, and has seen himself the manipulation in the reportage of Press TV. He tells me that 'something' could be done internationally.

'Now of course we do want to respect the freedom of speech and free reporting, even if Press TV doesn't fulfil the standards being set by serious journalists and serious reporters,' he says, 'but Press TV is fully owned, funded and managed by the Iranian government, and as such it could be subject to sanctions as an Iranian co-operation practicing here in the UK, and be forced to shut down.'

But would this put a stop to Press TV? 'Of course they can continue to spread the lies from Iran or from outside the embassy, but everybody would realise that it is propaganda, and it wouldn't have the aura of an independent TV network anymore.'

Moreover, in light of this vigil, and a work in progress Channel four investigative documentary on the broadcaster currently underway, it seems the critical spotlight is now firmly focused on Press TV. In fact, the broadcaster seemed to be aware of this increasing pressure, since no representative or security personal was available for comment before, during and since the vigil.

On the night, this pressure was made all the more evident near the very end of commemorations, as under the watch of the metropolitan police, a procession of 27 mourners for every year of Neda's life, walked up one-by-one towards the Press TV entrance and placed a poster of Neda, a red rose and a candle on either side of the main doorway. Indeed, Neda, the object of misleading Press TV reports had come back to haunt the under-fire television broadcaster long after her murder.

It was a cold, crisp subdued winter evening on January the 23rd 2010, a day which marked the 27th birthday of Neda Agha Soltan, as a diverse crowd gathered outside the main entrance of Press TV's Westgate House, the dull headquarters of the controversial 24-hour Iranian state-run broadcaster, to mourn and celebrate her life.

'Neda was a young woman, she represented the young generation, she represented the women who've suffered the most under the Islamic Republic,' said Potkin Azarmehr, a popular online blogger and one of the main organisers of this peaceful vigil.

It was a beautifully melancholic spectacle. Red candles glowed under the evening gloom, at times tears were shed, and posters were held of her beautiful angelic face, some reading the message, 'If tears could build a stairway, and memories a lane, I'd walk right up to heaven and bring you home again.'

Ey Iran, the original and popular national anthem boomed in the background, interspersed with beautiful hymns, and then a sentimental letter from Caspian Makan, Neda's boyfriend who fled Iran and now lives in Canada. His emotional message concluded that Neda's murder had started 'the countdown for the downfall of the inhumane regime in Iran' - the crowd cheered in hope.

Potkin reiterated why the mobile video footage of this young woman laying on the concrete, and that 'last innocent look' had made her such a symbolic figure for the opposition inside and outside Iran: 'The bullet that killed her made the nation alive.'

Undeniably, Neda, whose name means 'voice' in Farsi, was murdered by a member of the Iranian regime-sponsored Basij militia, and her symbolic death has since given luminous voice to the opposition movement led by Mousavi, raising awareness of the brutality of the regime against its own people. But why specifically hold the demonstration outside Press TV?

'Press TV has been lying about Neda right from the start,' says Potkin. 'They've recently broadcasted a documentary which is just beyond belief, saying that Neda was part of a plot; that she had a bottle of paint in her hand; that she poured it over herself as she fell down, and that she was killed by the people who were implicated in the crowds.'

'It's just really disgusting lies,' he tells me, 'and we are here to say, "look you don't fool us, and we know what's happened."' Potkin's comments correspond with an increasing critical awareness of the channel which brands itself as having an 'unbiased news agenda'. Particularly, critics point out that it is a propaganda mouthpiece for the supreme leader Khamenei, held responsible for the alleged coupe d'état, and the brutal repression, imprisonment, torture and murder of peaceful demonstrators, such as Neda.

Such criticisms are made all the more conclusive if we look at the charter of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), a regulating body for Iranian television and radio set up after the 1979 revolution. The charter dictates that all Iranian broadcasters must adhere to: "The fulfilment of the Supreme Leader's point of view as the Islamic Jurisprudent". This is clearly in contradiction with the code of conduct under Ofcom, the independent British communications regulator, which warns broadcasters: 'To ensure that news, in whatever form, is reported with due accuracy and presented with due impartiality.'

Nick Ferrari, one of the well-known faces on the Press TV line-up, had realised this contradiction and quit his presenting job following what he saw to be deceitful coverage of the post-election demonstrations. He told The Times, 'I imagine they've been told what to do, and I can't reconcile that with working there'. Following his departure, the channel went under an Ofcom investigation, over complaints received about its biased and disproportionate stance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

'It's either propaganda that comes directly from the Iranian government, or it's some conspiracy theory about the influence of international Zionism, said Martin Bright, a blogger for the Spectator magazine, in a July 2009 Newsnight debate titled: 'Should Press TV be able to operate in UK?'.

'I think they should be allowed to carry on in the way they are carrying on and just collapse in a kind of mire of their own absurdity,' Martin answered the question at hand. He concluded, 'the decision by Nick Ferrari to give up doing his show on Press TV, was a principled position that journalists should take; serious journalists should not work with this TV station, and then it won't be taken seriously.'

Andreas Moser, a former lawyer from Germany who now lives in London, and co-organised the vigil, had experienced first-hand the brutal post-election crackdown in Iran back in July 2009, and has seen himself the manipulation in the reportage of Press TV. He tells me that 'something' could be done internationally.

'Now of course we do want to respect the freedom of speech and free reporting, even if Press TV doesn't fulfil the standards being set by serious journalists and serious reporters,' he says, 'but Press TV is fully owned, funded and managed by the Iranian government, and as such it could be subject to sanctions as an Iranian co-operation practicing here in the UK, and be forced to shut down.'

But would this put a stop to Press TV? 'Of course they can continue to spread the lies from Iran or from outside the embassy, but everybody would realise that it is propaganda, and it wouldn't have the aura of an independent TV network anymore.'

Moreover, in light of this vigil, and a work in progress Channel four investigative documentary on the broadcaster currently underway, it seems the critical spotlight is now firmly focused on Press TV. In fact, the broadcaster seemed to be aware of this increasing pressure, since no representative or security personal was available for comment before, during and since the vigil.

On the night, this pressure was made all the more evident near the very end of commemorations, as under the watch of the metropolitan police, a procession of 27 mourners for every year of Neda's life, walked up one-by-one towards the Press TV entrance and placed a poster of Neda, a red rose and a candle on either side of the main doorway. Indeed, Neda, the object of misleading Press TV reports had come back to haunt the under-fire television broadcaster long after her murder.

It was a cold, crisp subdued winter evening on January the 23rd 2010, a day which marked the 27th birthday of Neda Agha Soltan, as a diverse crowd gathered outside the main entrance of Press TV's Westgate House, the dull headquarters of the controversial 24-hour Iranian state-run broadcaster, to mourn and celebrate her life.

'Neda was a young woman, she represented the young generation, she represented the women who've suffered the most under the Islamic Republic,' said Potkin Azarmehr, a popular online blogger and one of the main organisers of this peaceful vigil.

It was a beautifully melancholic spectacle. Red candles glowed under the evening gloom, at times tears were shed, and posters were held of her beautiful angelic face, some reading the message, 'If tears could build a stairway, and memories a lane, I'd walk right up to heaven and bring you home again.'

Ey Iran, the original and popular national anthem boomed in the background, interspersed with beautiful hymns, and then a sentimental letter from Caspian Makan, Neda's boyfriend who fled Iran and now lives in Canada. His emotional message concluded that Neda's murder had started 'the countdown for the downfall of the inhumane regime in Iran' - the crowd cheered in hope.

Potkin reiterated why the mobile video footage of this young woman laying on the concrete, and that 'last innocent look' had made her such a symbolic figure for the opposition inside and outside Iran: 'The bullet that killed her made the nation alive.'

Undeniably, Neda, whose name means 'voice' in Farsi, was murdered by a member of the Iranian regime-sponsored Basij militia, and her symbolic death has since given luminous voice to the opposition movement led by Mousavi, raising awareness of the brutality of the regime against its own people. But why specifically hold the demonstration outside Press TV?

'Press TV has been lying about Neda right from the start,' says Potkin. 'They've recently broadcasted a documentary which is just beyond belief, saying that Neda was part of a plot; that she had a bottle of paint in her hand; that she poured it over herself as she fell down, and that she was killed by the people who were implicated in the crowds.'

'It's just really disgusting lies,' he tells me, 'and we are here to say, "look you don't fool us, and we know what's happened."' Potkin's comments correspond with an increasing critical awareness of the channel which brands itself as having an 'unbiased news agenda'. Particularly, critics point out that it is a propaganda mouthpiece for the supreme leader Khamenei, held responsible for the alleged coupe d'état, and the brutal repression, imprisonment, torture and murder of peaceful demonstrators, such as Neda.

Such criticisms are made all the more conclusive if we look at the charter of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), a regulating body for Iranian television and radio set up after the 1979 revolution. The charter dictates that all Iranian broadcasters must adhere to: "The fulfilment of the Supreme Leader's point of view as the Islamic Jurisprudent". This is clearly in contradiction with the code of conduct under Ofcom, the independent British communications regulator, which warns broadcasters: 'To ensure that news, in whatever form, is reported with due accuracy and presented with due impartiality.'

Nick Ferrari, one of the well-known faces on the Press TV line-up, had realised this contradiction and quit his presenting job following what he saw to be deceitful coverage of the post-election demonstrations. He told The Times, 'I imagine they've been told what to do, and I can't reconcile that with working there'. Following his departure, the channel went under an Ofcom investigation, over complaints received about its biased and disproportionate stance on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

'It's either propaganda that comes directly from the Iranian government, or it's some conspiracy theory about the influence of international Zionism, said Martin Bright, a blogger for the Spectator magazine, in a July 2009 Newsnight debate titled: 'Should Press TV be able to operate in UK?'.

'I think they should be allowed to carry on in the way they are carrying on and just collapse in a kind of mire of their own absurdity,' Martin answered the question at hand. He concluded, 'the decision by Nick Ferrari to give up doing his show on Press TV, was a principled position that journalists should take; serious journalists should not work with this TV station, and then it won't be taken seriously.'

Andreas Moser, a former lawyer from Germany who now lives in London, and co-organised the vigil, had experienced first-hand the brutal post-election crackdown in Iran back in July 2009, and has seen himself the manipulation in the reportage of Press TV. He tells me that 'something' could be done internationally.

'Now of course we do want to respect the freedom of speech and free reporting, even if Press TV doesn't fulfil the standards being set by serious journalists and serious reporters,' he says, 'but Press TV is fully owned, funded and managed by the Iranian government, and as such it could be subject to sanctions as an Iranian co-operation practicing here in the UK, and be forced to shut down.'

But would this put a stop to Press TV? 'Of course they can continue to spread the lies from Iran or from outside the embassy, but everybody would realise that it is propaganda, and it wouldn't have the aura of an independent TV network anymore.'

Moreover, in light of this vigil, and a work in progress Channel four investigative documentary on the broadcaster currently underway, it seems the critical spotlight is now firmly focused on Press TV. In fact, the broadcaster seemed to be aware of this increasing pressure, since no representative or security personal was available for comment before, during and since the vigil.

On the night, this pressure was made all the more evident near the very end of commemorations, as under the watch of the metropolitan police, a procession of 27 mourners for every year of Neda's life, walked up one-by-one towards the Press TV entrance and placed a poster of Neda, a red rose and a candle on either side of the main doorway. Indeed, Neda, the object of misleading Press TV reports had come back to haunt the under-fire television broadcaster long after her murder.